After 42 years of erratic dictatorship, it would be unrealistic to expect a smooth transition in the early days of Libya’s post-Qaddafi era. There have been water and fuel shortages, episodes of vigilante justice, and power struggles among the victorious rebel forces. There are also signs of progress on military, diplomatic, economic and political fronts.
The last bastions of the regime are under assault, while Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi remains unaccounted for. Foreign governments have begun releasing billions of dollars of Libyan assets that were frozen during the fighting. Plans have been drafted for electing a constitutional assembly by early next year. Technicians are assessing damage to the oil wells and pipelines that account for 98 percent of the country’s annual revenues, though full production may not be restored for months or even longer. Considering the situation six months ago, there is reason to be encouraged.
Nonetheless, the new regime faces many challenges. Among the most troubling developments is the brutal treatment of dark-skinned Africans rounded up by vigilantes and the regime’s security forces.
The overwhelming majority of sub-Saharan Africans in Libya are migrant workers. Two and a half million worked there before the rebellion. Roughly two million remain. Colonel Qaddafi is thought to have hired several thousand Africans to fight for him in February. How many stuck with him to the end is unclear. But Western journalists saw no evidence of mercenaries in Tripoli when the city fell.
What they have seen is Africans being rounded up and treated differently from Libyans who fought for the dictator, many of whom have already been set free. Some Africans accused of being mercenaries were lynched after the rebels captured Benghazi in February. To maintain its international credibility, the transitional government must release innocent Africans and make sure that those who fought for Colonel Qaddafi are treated fairly.
Much hard work remains in other areas as well. Vigilantes must be disarmed or placed under firm government control. Tribes, factions representing different regions and rival rebel leaders must be reconciled and represented in the transitional government.
Other countries should help with technical assistance and cash until Libyan assets are fully unfrozen and oil revenues flow again. Qatar and Kuwait have been generous so far, as have the United States, Britain and France. Promises of support are also flowing in from countries like Germany and Turkey, which refused to take part in NATO’s protective airstrikes against Colonel Qaddafi’s forces.
Libya’s new leaders may be tempted to skew future Libyan oil contracts and other economic rewards toward nations that helped most in the fight against the Qaddafi regime. But they should resist that temptation. Bidding for contracts should be open and transparent to ensure the best returns for the Libyan people. Colonel Qaddafi was a master at using Libya’s oil wealth to forge his international alliances. That is a tactic his successors should not emulate.